The strike intensifies

In the early days of the strike, relations between pickets and police were reportedly relatively peaceful; the police were usually drawn from the local communities, and shared some sympathies with the striking miners.

There are even reports of police sharing their packed lunches with pickets.

As the strike progressed however, relations between pickets and police deteriorated and both sides became hostile.

So-called flying pickets travelled from England to reinforce numbers, and external police forces were called upon to provide reinforcements.

Mining communities became increasingly impoverished and desperate, and frustration often boiled over into anger and violence.

In Wales, two miners dropped a concrete block from a bridge onto a taxi that was transporting a strike-breaking miner to work, killing the taxi-driver.

Public sympathy for the strikers diminished.

In earlier coal strikes, the miners had the upper hand, as British industry was totally reliant on coal, and shortages led to regular power cuts.

Many people believe that Thatcher's government had taken this into account, stockpiling coal for two years before March 1984.

The government provoked the strike in the spring of 1984, some people claim, knowing that the stockpiles of coal in the UK would be enough to generate power over the winter of 1984/85.

Thus the effect of the strike on British industry, and on society in general, would be greatly diminished.

Communities dug in, with miners' wives in particular forming support groups, manning soup kitchens and organising collections.

Rallies were held, fund-raising concerts given and talks and events organised.

Meanwhile talks continued. Ian MacGregor, pictured above avoiding the press, met regularly with Arthur Scargill and others, while Mick McGahey held secret talks with then-Home Secretary Willie Whitelaw.

Scargill was unwilling to compromise on pit closures. Meanwhile, the Government refused to cede ground to the NUM. A stalemate had been reached, and it seemed that with more and more miners returning to work through financial hardship, the strike was close to collapse.

Despite this, secret papers have since revealed that the NCB came close to capitulating to the miners in early 1985, but was overruled by Whitehall.

Injury image, picket image, child image, Ian MacGregor © The Scotsman Publications Ltd. NUM poster, Maggie poster © Mr James Hogg. Musselburgh women © Mrs Kay MacNamara. Dalkeith truck © Scottish Mining Museum. Dalkeith march © Mrs Jean Hamilton.'Not just tea' poster © Scottish Life Archive. Dick Gaughan ticket © Mr Robert Amos. Miners' kids poster © Mr James Hogg. Fife miners, Victimised miners, Strikebound posters © Mr James Hogg. Licensor www.scran.ac.uk

In the early days of the strike, relations between pickets and police were reportedly relatively peaceful; the police were usually drawn from the local communities, and shared some sympathies with the striking miners.

There are even reports of police sharing their packed lunches with pickets.

As the strike progressed however, relations between pickets and police deteriorated and both sides became hostile.

So-called flying pickets travelled from England to reinforce numbers, and external police forces were called upon to provide reinforcements.

Mining communities became increasingly impoverished and desperate, and frustration often boiled over into anger and violence.

In Wales, two miners dropped a concrete block from a bridge onto a taxi that was transporting a strike-breaking miner to work, killing the taxi-driver.

Public sympathy for the strikers diminished.

In earlier coal strikes, the miners had the upper hand, as British industry was totally reliant on coal, and shortages led to regular power cuts.

Many people believe that Thatcher's government had taken this into account, stockpiling coal for two years before March 1984.

The government provoked the strike in the spring of 1984, some people claim, knowing that the stockpiles of coal in the UK would be enough to generate power over the winter of 1984/85.

Thus the effect of the strike on British industry, and on society in general, would be greatly diminished.

Communities dug in, with miners' wives in particular forming support groups, manning soup kitchens and organising collections.

Rallies were held, fund-raising concerts given and talks and events organised.

Meanwhile talks continued. Ian MacGregor, pictured above avoiding the press, met regularly with Arthur Scargill and others, while Mick McGahey held secret talks with then-Home Secretary Willie Whitelaw.

Scargill was unwilling to compromise on pit closures. Meanwhile, the Government refused to cede ground to the NUM. A stalemate had been reached, and it seemed that with more and more miners returning to work through financial hardship, the strike was close to collapse.

Despite this, secret papers have since revealed that the NCB came close to capitulating to the miners in early 1985, but was overruled by Whitehall.

Injury image, picket image, child image, Ian MacGregor © The Scotsman Publications Ltd. NUM poster, Maggie poster © Mr James Hogg. Musselburgh women © Mrs Kay MacNamara. Dalkeith truck © Scottish Mining Museum. Dalkeith march © Mrs Jean Hamilton.'Not just tea' poster © Scottish Life Archive. Dick Gaughan ticket © Mr Robert Amos. Miners' kids poster © Mr James Hogg. Fife miners, Victimised miners, Strikebound posters © Mr James Hogg. Licensor www.scran.ac.uk

Next: Conclusion and Aftermath >